Wednesday, January 21, 2026

The European Commission has proposed the Digital Networks Act (DNA) to update and harmonise EU telecom and connectivity rules, aiming to accelerate fibre and 5G rollout, simplify cross‑border operations, and strengthen resilience and cybersecurity. The proposal (presented 21 January 2026) has drawn praise for ambition and criticism from telecom groups and several member states over scope, spectrum control, and potential regulatory effects.
Key facts
The Digital Networks Act was proposed by the European Commission on 21 Jan 2026
DNA aims to modernise and harmonise EU telecom/connectivity rules
DNA seeks to accelerate fibre and 5G rollout and phase out legacy copper networks
DNA introduces EU‑wide single registration and more harmonised spectrum rules
Trade groups like GSMA and CCIA Europe criticise DNA for favoring legacy telecoms
CADE ProjectThey present the DNA as a necessary, future‑oriented overhaul to build a unified, resilient and investment‑friendly EU digital infrastructure.
Best arguments
A fragmented market of 27 national regimes hinders cross‑border operations and investments; harmonised rules and a single registration lower barriers.
Faster fibre and 5G rollout, along with the copper‑to‑fibre transition, are essential for AI, cloud and Europe’s global competitiveness.
More coherent spectrum authorisation, longer licences and ‘use it or share it’ will encourage efficient spectrum use and innovation.
Linking DNA with enforcement of existing platform rules (DSA/DMA) can reduce network strain without immediately imposing new hard obligations on Big Tech.
Improved resilience and cybersecurity, including for critical infrastructure like undersea cables and emergency services, strengthens EU security.
ITProThey argue the DNA is either too weak to solve the investment gap or risks adding bureaucracy and entrenching incumbents without fair returns on network costs.
Best arguments
They say the final proposal is ‘diluted’ and lacks strong measures to attract the €150–200bn extra investment estimated as needed by 2030.
Some fear the voluntary cooperation mechanisms could evolve into de facto binding dispute systems, adding complexity instead of simplifying rules.
Critics worry the act retains outdated elements (e.g. from ePrivacy) and may increase reporting or compliance burdens despite talk of simplification.
Telecom groups had pushed for stronger cost‑sharing with Big Tech; the DNA’s soft approach on large platforms is seen as leaving telcos with most infrastructure costs.
Several member states’ resistance to bolder reforms, reported ahead of publication, feeds industry doubts about the act’s real impact on market consolidation.
ITPro
CADE ProjectThey are relieved the DNA does not impose heavy new legal obligations on large platforms, but still worry it may indirectly revive network fees or complex disputes that hurt innovation.
Best arguments
Tech and digital trade groups (e.g. CCIA Europe) fear the cooperation framework could stealthily reintroduce rejected ‘network fee’ ideas via disputes.
They argue favoring legacy telecom monopolies through regulatory tweaks could reduce competition and innovation in digital services.
A voluntary best‑practices framework monitored by BEREC is preferred to strict new laws, but its future evolution and potential to become binding are viewed with caution.
Retaining outdated ePrivacy‑style elements is seen as contradicting regulatory simplification and may complicate data‑driven services.
Civil society‑oriented groups welcome goals like resilience and cross‑border consistency but warn that poorly designed mechanisms could chill smaller, innovative providers.
Presenting policy goals as guaranteed outcomes without evidential support: Descriptions of regulatory aims (innovation, investment, resilience) are sometimes treated as likely results, without clarifying that these are intended goals contingent on implementation, market reactions, and enforcement quality.
Using dissatisfaction from opposing sides as implicit proof of balance: Claims that both industry and tech giants are unhappy can be read as evidence of a fair compromise, though mutual criticism alone does not show that the policy is effective or balanced in its real-world impact.
Equating regulatory simplification claims with actual burden reduction: Statements that rules will be streamlined or bureaucracy cut may be accepted at face value, without examining whether new mechanisms, bodies, or procedures could offset or even exceed the promised simplifications.
Framing weaker obligations on powerful actors as necessarily problematic: Portraying voluntary or softer measures for dominant companies as inherently inadequate can overlook contexts where such tools are complementary to, or constrained by, existing binding regulations and political feasibility.
Assuming opposition from member states signals only self-interest: Presenting national resistance mainly as a brake on ambition can imply it is purely obstructionist, without considering legitimate legal, economic, or subsidiarity concerns that might underlie such political pushback.
Does anything look off?
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